The final pattern evident in the intensified obsidian production that was documented in the southern part of Maymeja is the correlation between pastoralism and obsidian production. There is the simple fact that it is physically easier for pastoralists to access and circulate obsidian. Burger and Asaro (1977: 41) note that tool-quality obsidian is found on geologically young volcanoes which, in the Andes, are from the Late Miocene and are typically found above 4000 masl where pastoralists reside. Furthermore, herders have the cargo animals to transport nodules. Based on the 2003 survey of the Chivay source, obsidian is available in a number of locations between 4950 and 5000 masl on the flanks of Cerro Hornillo. Obsidian lag gravels, often material with heterogeneities, blanket the Maymeja area and occur on a wide range of slopes on the eastern flanks of Hornillo. Obsidian is also eroding from a gully on the north side of Maymeja in an exposure labeled Q02-1. While there is reason to believe quality obsidian nodules lie underneath the tephra rich soils in a number of areas around Hornillo, it is surely no coincidence that the most high volume and persistent source of water in the region is adjacent to the Maymeja workshop, and the quarry pit is upslope to the east, as close to the workshop as possible along the 4970 masl contour.
Three principal patterns link obsidian production with pastoralism in this area:
(1) Maymeja production. The Maymeja workshop is adjacent to a water source and a rich grazing area, and a maintained, but relatively clean and unoccupied, corral [A03-127] sits adjacent to the Maymeja workshop. Construction in this area follows the margin of the rich bofedal, small circular structures and eroded terraces were evident here, and obsidian flakes litter the area. The second highest densities of flaked obsidian were found in the lower, northwestern portions of Maymeja close to the modern estancia [A03-570]. It is possible that these two zones were occupied simultaneously, as each residential sector adjoins a separate, large bofedal.
(2) Local Scale. Throughout the highland portion of the 2003 survey, especially in Block 2, concentrations of obsidian flakes were almost always associated with pastoralist site features. A road leads away from the quarry pit that suggests that loaded caravans departed to the south from the Chivay source along a route referred to as Camino Hornillo. This route is in an unsurprising location, as the road climbs out of Maymeja along the least-steep possible route, and following this road caravans could soon join the regional trail network near Lagunas Lecceta, just a few kilometers to the south.
(3) Regional Scale. The consumption of Chivay obsidian is largely associated with pastoralist sites. It expands on a regional scale in the Terminal Archaic with pastoralism, and on the western foothills of the Andes both obsidian and herding corrals are rare below an altitude of 1200 masl.
The simple association of obsidian with pastoral activities of shearing and butchering appears plausible on one level and such applications of obsidian probably facilitated its widespread distribution (Section 3.6). Despite this functionalist association between obsidian and pastoralism, several particulars of obsidian consumption patterns run contrary to this view. First, high-quality cherts with excellent fracture properties are available throughout the Titicaca Basin and given the quantity and size of Titicaca Basin herds, particularly in the Late Formative and onwards, one would expect much greater quantities of obsidian consumption as herd sizes grew. In fact, obsidian consumption appears to have been relatively reduced as populations and herds grew during Late Prehispanic times. Second, in the Chivay obsidian consumption zone sufficiently large flakes for shearing and butchering (for example, 2 cm or larger) are relatively rare in both surface and excavated contexts. Curation of obsidian in tool form does not appear to have been a priority except for in the production of projectile points.
The links between pastoralism and obsidian circulation appear to have more indirect than the functional connection would suppose. The development of regional caravan exchange, including long-distance circuits and the relative ease of transporting weight, served to move stone into regions where such materials were rare. The second probable connection is the social and symbolic link that obsidian provides between consumers, non-local trade networks, and representation of alliance and affiliation. Obsidian possession was one of a number of ways of differentiating ones self. Evidence of access to non-local raw materials, mediated through camelid caravans and pastoral economy, was one possible way to demonstrate social connections and access to goods and knowledge in other forms. Additional aspects of the social and symbolic links with obsidian exchange will be discussed below.